CELPIP Reading Part 4 - Reading for Viewpoints | Set 2
- Amardeep Singh

- Jun 7
- 4 min read

CELPIP Reading Part 4- Reading for Viewpoints | Practice Set 2
Read the following article from a website
The App-Based Citizen
Civic engagement among young Canadians has undergone a radical transformation. Traditional extracurricular clubs like student councils or debate teams are experiencing historically low participation rates across secondary schools. Meanwhile, school administrators frequently point to a surge in youth-led digital campaigns, online petitions, and social-justice-focused media accounts. Some school boards have actively moved to accommodate this shift, allowing students to claim mandatory community service hours for organizing awareness webinars or managing online activist networks. But does digital messaging carry the same pedagogical value as face-to-face community organization?
The argument for validating online advocacy is rooted in contemporary reality. Modern social change occurs primarily in digital spaces. Unfortunately, conventional school systems have lagged behind, continuing to mandate that volunteer hours be spent exclusively on physical tasks like sorting recycling or painting fences. While these activities are undeniably helpful, they fail to equip the next generation with the digital organizing toolkits necessary to influence public policy in the 21st century. To remain relevant, schools must modernize what they define as a "civic contribution."
I raised this point with a regional high school principal during a recent educational symposium. He dismissed the concept entirely, characterizing digital activism as a form of superficial validation. "Our goal," he countered defensively, "is to cultivate tangible grit and practical teamwork through physical presence. Validating hours spent behind a screen merely encourages self-involved 'slacktivism' rather than genuine, hands-on sacrifice for the local neighborhood."
Is it fair, though, to label strategic digital communication as lazy? What is superficial about a student coordinating a city-wide online campaign that successfully pressures a municipal council to build a new bike lane?
My colleagues and I later brought this up with a veteran Media Literacy instructor at a local academy. We asked why schools shouldn't formalize training for digital advocacy rather than leaving students to navigate the toxic online political landscape without guidance.
The instructor acknowledged that institutional frameworks are deeply conservative, often viewing internet-based organizing as a distraction rather than a modern literacy. "The regional superintendent would absolutely veto a dedicated digital activism credit," she admitted. "However, I’ve been trying to introduce a digital citizenship pilot project. Students would learn to verify media sources, draft structured online policy proposals, and use data analytics to track the reach of public information campaigns."
"Won't that polarize classrooms along ideological lines?" I asked, playing devil's advocate.
"Not if we focus entirely on the methodology of public communication rather than the political content itself," she explained. "But local boards rarely approve these pilots without significant pressure. You really need to take this directly to the provincial curriculum authority; they are the ones who hold the mandate for structural reform."
CELPIP Reading Part 4- Reading for Viewpoints | Practice Set 2
Using the drop-down menu ( ), choose the best option according to the information given on the website.
1. What is the fundamental dispute being explored by the writer?
The declining rate of voter turnout among young adults.
Whether online advocacy qualifies as legitimate high school volunteer work.
The degree of political polarization present in modern classrooms.
Whether media literacy courses should replace traditional history classes.
2. The author indicates that traditional volunteer tasks like painting fences
are entirely useless for community development.
should be financialized by school administrations.
do not prepare students for modern methods of policy influence.
are preferred by the provincial curriculum authority.
3. It can be inferred that the regional superintendent would look unfavorably upon the ideas of the
high school principal.
regional high school students.
municipal council members.
Media Literacy instructor.
4. The high school principal's objection to digital hours is based on the idea that they
fail to teach the value of physical, collaborative effort.
encourage students to oppose local school board policies.
require too much administrative oversight from teachers.
are too technically complex for the average teenager.
5. Which common assumption do the writer and the principal both operate under?
Technology has completely eliminated the need for local municipal governments.
Secondary education should play an active role in developing civic habits.
High school student councils are the most effective way to achieve social progress.
Provincial curriculum guidelines should be entirely dictated by local communities.
The following is a comment by a visitor to the website page. Complete the comment by choosing the best option to fill in each blank.
This essay touches upon a highly controversial issue regarding the degree to which educational institutions ought to (6.) ____________________. Regrettably, a lot of administrators seem (7.) ____________________, preferring to stick with comfortable, decade-old frameworks rather than acknowledging where modern discourse actually takes place. Ironically, this systemic reluctance completely overlooks the work of CivicTech Youth, a non-profit that for eight years has partnered with schools to run digital diplomacy leagues. Their structured programs guide participants through simulated civic crises where they must deploy verified media strategies to coordinate emergency responses. The writer is clearly (8.) ____________________ regarding this landscape. While these workshops enjoy immense popularity among students, certain skeptical faculty members remain deeply uncomfortable with the private sector's (9.) ____________________ public school classrooms. A clear example of this rigid mindset is the principal, who assumes (10.) ____________________ can only be built through physical labor. That outdated perspective totally ignores the sophisticated cognitive and collaborative skills required to run effective digital networks.
Options for Blank 6:
ban the use of all personal electronic devices during class time
adapt their definitions of civic duty to mirror the modern world
allow corporate entities to dictate the social studies curriculum
force all students into mandatory political debate programs
Options for Blank 7:
deeply resistant to institutional evolution
highly eager to defund extracurricular sports teams
oblivious to the stress felt by high school teachers
anxious to implement unverified educational technologies
Options for Blank 8:
operating with an incomplete awareness of localized initiatives
utilizing fabricated statistics regarding student council engagement
completely aligned with the regional superintendent's worldview
presenting a biased defense of the high school principal's remarks
Options for Blank 9:
complete financial withdrawal from
adversarial relationship with
expanding footprint inside
explicit legislative control over
Options for Blank 10:
true digital literacy
authentic character and grit
municipal infrastructure projects
ideological polarization




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